Two thirds of our sample of heterosexual offenders vs. children had married; however, the accumulative incidence data show that ultimately at least 81 per cent married. The average married offender vs. children was twenty-three at the time of his first marriage and had lived 41 per cent of his life between puberty and time of interview as a married man. None of the foregoing figures is unusual. However, number of marriages is a different story: of all groups, the offenders vs. children had next to the fewest who married once; they rank fourth in those married twice; and third in those married three times or more. The broken marriages were not of particularly short duration—the offenders vs. children are intermediate when one calculates the number of marriages that lasted two years or less and ended in separation or divorce. On the other hand, they were prone to rush into marriage: the average offender vs. children had known his wife somewhat less than four months before marrying her. This is the third briefest courtship record, and may explain in part the high divorce and separation rates. At this point it should be noted that the average control male had known his wife nearly 17 months prior to marriage.
Not quite half of the heterosexual offenders vs. children had coitus with the women who became their first wives; this is a low proportion —probably the result not only of brief courtship but also of the strong moral restraint regarding premarital coitus that these offenders reported. This abstention resulted, naturally, in relatively few of the brides being pregnant at marriage or unwed mothers.
In regard to fertility in marriage, about 19 children were produced per ten married offenders vs. children, and while this is neither few nor many in comparison with other sex offenders it is below par considering the age of the group, and below the control group.
Turning now to the specifically sexual aspects of marriage, we find
that the offenders vs. children were somewhat inclined to precede their
marital coitus by only brief foreplay. Some 41 per cent (the fourth
largest proportion) averaged less than three minutes of foreplay, while
about half that number indulged in protracted (30 minutes plus) pet-
ting. Fellation and cunnilingus occurred in a moderate percentage of
cases.
While the frequency of premarital coitus among the offenders vs. children was in no way unusual, they had the highest over-all frequency of marital coitus of any group. True, in their earlier years the frequencies are not exceptional, but from twenty-six to thirty the median individual ranks third; from thirty-one to thirty-five, second; and in subsequent periods, first. Calculation of mean frequencies does not reveal so marked a trend, but the offenders vs. children are always high, ranking fourth from age twenty-six on. A similar situation is seen when one examines the proportion of total sexual outlet derived from marital coitus: it is usually moderate up to age forty, but thereafter the offenders vs. children rank first or second, with over 90 per cent of their orgasms derived from coitus with their wives.
According to the husbands, in about 55 per cent of their years of married life their wives experienced orgasm in 90 per cent or more of their marital coitus; in 17 per cent of their married years their orgasms ranged from none at all to 10 per cent. This report is somewhat on the low side when compared to the estimates of other sex offenders. Possibly this tendency toward fewer orgasms stems in part from the rather high frequency of coitus coupled with the somewhat brief foreplay.
Despite the divorces, separations, and numerous marriages, these offenders had the second largest proportion of members who reported very happy marriages. Only the control group were more fortunate. Conversely, rather few offenders vs. children reported unhappy marriages.
The abundance of marital coitus and the high degree of happiness in marriage did not, however, prevent some 31 per cent of the offenses vs. children being committed by married men.
*29\161\2*
